The Root
of Bangladesh
"Bangladesh
has a hundred gates open for entrance,
but not
one for departure" - Bernier.
Bangladesh
is a new state in an ancient land. It has been described
by an American political scientist as "a country
challenged by contradictions". On the face of it,
the recent twists and turns of her history are often
inconsistent. It is neither a distinct geographical
entity, nor a well-defined historical unit. Nevertheless,
it is the homeland of the ninth largest nation in the
world whose gropings for a political identity were protracted,
intense and agonizing. The key to these apparent contradictions
lies in her history.
Etymologically,
the word Bangladesh is derived from the cognate "Vanga"
which was first mentioned in the Hindu scripture Aitareya
Aranyaka (composed between 500 B C and 500 A
D). Legend has it that Bengal was first colonized by
Prince Vanga, the son of King Bali and Queen Sudeshna
of the Lunar dynasty. According to linguists, the roots
of the term Vanga may be traced to languages in the
adjoining areas. One school of linguists maintain that
the word "Vanga" is derived from the Tibetan word "Bans"
which implies "wet and moist". According to this interpretation,
Bangladesh literally refers to a wetland. Another school
is of the opinion that the term "Vangla" is derived
from Bodo (aborigines of Assam) words "Bang" and "la"
which connote "wide plains."
Proto-history
and Pre-history
Geological evidence indicates that much of Bangladesh
was formed 1 to 6.5 million years ago during the tertiary
era. Human habitation in this region is, therefore,
likely to be very old. The implements discovered in
Deolpota village in the neighbouring state of West Bengal
suggest that paleolithic civilization in the region
existed about one hundred thousand years ago. The evidence
of paleolithic civilization in Bangladesh region is
limited to a stone implement in Rangamati and a hand
axe in the hilly tip of Feni district. They are likely
to be 10,000 to 15,000 years old. New stone age in the
region lasted from 3,000 B C to 1,500 B C. Neolithic
tools comparable to Assam group were found at Sitakunda
in Chittagong. Hand axes and chisels showing close affinity
to neolithic industries in West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa
have been discovered at Mainamati near Comilla. The
thinly forested laterite hills in eastern Bengal dotted
with fertile valleys provided a congenial environment
for neolithic settlements. However, the archaeological
evidence on transition from stone age to metal age in
this region is still missing.
Political
Dynamics in Ancient Bengal (326 B.C. to 1204 A.D.)
The earliest historical reference to organized political
life in the Bangladesh region is usually traced to the
writings on Alexander's invasion of India in 326 B.C.
The Greek and Latin historians suggested that Alexander
the Great withdrew from India anticipating the valiant
counter attack of the mighty Gangaridai and Prasioi
empires which were located in the Bengal region. It
is not, however, clearly known who built these empires.
Literary and epigraphic evidence refer to the rise and
fall of a large number of principalities in the region
which were variously known as Pundra Vardhana
(northern Bangladesh), Gauda (parts of West Bengal
and Bangladesh), Dandabhukti (southern West Bengal),
Karna Subarna (part of West Bengal), Varendra
(northern Bangladesh), Rarh (southern areas of
West Bengal), Summha Desa (south-western West
Bengal), Vanga (central Bangladesh), Vangala
(southern Bangladesh), Harikela (North-East Bangladesh),
Chandradwipa (Southern Bangladesh), Subarnabithi
(central Bangladesh), Navyabakashika (central
and southern Bangladesh), Lukhnauti (North Bengal
and Bihar) and Samatata (Eastern Bangladesh).
There
are two schools of opinion regarding the political evolution
of ancient Bengal. According to one school, the Bangladesh
region in the ancient period was an integral part of
mighty empires in north India. These historians maintain
Gangaridai and Prasioi empires were succeeded by the
Mauryas (4th to 2nd century B.C.), the Guptas (4th-5th
century A.D.), the empire of Sasanka (7th century A.D.),
the Pala empire (750-1162 A.D.), and the Senas (1162-1223
A.D.). Specially, the Pala empire which lasted for more
than four hundred years and reached its zenith in eighth
and ninth centuries under the leadership of Dharmapala
and Devapala is cited as an example of Bengal's political
genius. The revisionist historians are of the opinion
that the traditional interpretation overstates the role
of all-India empires in the political life of the Bangladesh
region. They maintain that epigraphic evidence suggests
that only some of the areas which now constitute Bangladesh
were occasionally incorporated in the larger empires
of South Asia. In their view, political fragmentation
and not empire was the historical destiny of Bangladesh
region in the ancient times. Inscriptions attest to
the existence of a succession of independent kingdoms
in southern and eastern Bengal. These local kingdoms
included the realms of Vainyagupta (6th century), the
Faridpur kings (6th century), the Bhadra dynasty (circa
600-650 A D), Khadaga dynasty (circa 650-700 AD), Natha
and Rata dynasty (750-800 A D ), the rulers of Harikela
(circa 800-900), Chandra dynasty (circa 900-1045 A D),
Varman dynasty (circa 1080-1150 A D), and Pattikera
dynasty (circa 1000-1100 A D).
Opinions
differ on the reasons for political fragmentation in
Bengal. Some scholars attribute it to Bangladesh's topography
specially to difficulties in negotiating its swamps
and marshes, its unending maze of rivers and creeks
and dislocations caused by the Bengali rainy season.
Others emphasize the frontier character of the region
which attracted from north India a continuous stream
of rebel, heretics, and malcontents who destabilized
the political life. Some scholars maintain that political
fragmentation was fostered by a lack of corporate life
at the village level. Specially, the village organizations
were weakest in the eastern and southern areas; the
corporateness of villages gradually increased in the
western areas. Political fragmentation was, therefore,
endemic in eastern and southern areas which now constitute
Bangladesh.
The
primacy of the individual in social life and the concomitant
institutional vacuum in Bangladesh region was not, however,
an unmitigated shortcoming. The weakness of social,
political and economic institutions provided a congenial
environment for freedom of religion. The Buddhist rulers
continued to rule Bengal long after the resurgence of
Brahmanism in the rest of north India. Nowhere in South
Asia were the deviations from the Brahmanical orthodoxy
so glaring as in the Bengal zone. The esoteric cults
like Vajrayana, Shajayana, Kalachakrayana, Nathism,
the Bauls and the folk cults flourished in pre-Muslim
Bengal. Throughout history, small kingdoms blossomed
and withered like wild flowers in this region. In an
environment characterized by weak political institutions,
heresy, heterodoxy and alien faiths thrived in defiance
of the Brahmanical orthodoxy.
Contribution
of Bangladesh to Ancient Civilisation
Bangladesh is the frontier of South Asian civilization.
It is the natural bridge between South and South East
Asia. Because of its location, Bangladesh was the intermediary
in trade and commerce between the South Asian sub-continent
and the Far East. This region, as a distinguished historian
observed, "played an important part in the great cultural
association between the diverse civilizations of Eastern
and South Eastern Asia which forms such a distinguished
feature in the history of this great continent for nearly
one thousand and five hundred years."
Tradition
has it that Sri Lanka was colonized by a Bengalee Prince
Vijayasingha who established the first political organization
in that island. Gadadhara, another Bengalee, founded
a kingdom in the Madras state in South India.
Bangladesh
region also played a seminal role in disseminating her
beliefs, art and architecture in the wider world of
Asia. The Bengali missionaries preached Mahayana Buddhism
in the Indonesian archipelago. Kumaraghosha, the royal
preceptor of the Sailendra emperors of Java, Sumatra
and Malaya peninsula, was born in Gauda. The Bengali
scholar Santirakshit was one of the founders of the
Buddhist monastic order in Tibet. The great Buddhist
sage Dipankara Srijnana, also known as Atish ( 10th-l1th
century) reformed the monastic order in Tibet. The Bengalee
scholars Shilabhadra, Chandragomin, Abhayakaragupta,
Jetari and Jnanasrimitra were venerated as great theologians
in the Buddhist world.
Ancient
Bangladesh also witnessed the flowering of temple, stupa
and monastic architecture as well as Buddhist art and
sculpture. There was discernible influence of the Pala
art of Bengal on Javanese art. There was a close affinity
between the scripts used on certain Javanese sculptures
and proto-Bengali alphabet. A group of temples in Burma
were built on the model of Bangladeshi temples. The
architecture and iconographic ideas of Bengal inspired
architects, sculptors and artists in Cambodia and the
Indonesian archipelago. The influence of Pala art in
Bengal could be easily traced in Nepalese and Tibetan
paintings, as well as in Tang Art of China.
Evolution
of Mediaeval Bengal (1204-l757)
The Middle age in Bengal coincided with the Muslim rule.
Out of about 550 years of Muslim rule, Bengal was effectively
ruled by Delhi-based all India empires for only about
two hundred years. For about 350 years Bengal remained
virtually independent. The Muslim rule in Bengal is
usually divided into three phases. The first phase which
lasted from 1204 to 1342 witnessed the consolidation
of Muslim rule in Bengal. It was characterized by extreme
political instability. The second phase which spanned
the period 1342 to 1575 saw the emergence of independent
local dynasties such as the Ilyas Shahi dynasty (1342-1414),
the dynasty of King Ganesha (1414-1442) and Husain Shahi
dynasty (l493-1539). The third phase which lasted from
1575 to 1757 witnessed the emergence of a centralized
administration in Bengal within the framework of the
Mughal empire. The Mughal viceroys in Bengal curbed
the independence of powerful landlords who were known
as Bara Bhuiyas and suppressed the Portuguese pirates
who frequently interfered with the flow of foreign trade.
There
were two major achievements of Muslim rule in the region.
First, prior to Muslim rule in this area, Bengal was
an ever-shifting mosaic of principalities. The natural
limits of Bengal were not clearly perceived till its
political unification by the Ilyas Shahi rulers in the
fourteenth century. The political unification of Bengal
was thus a gift of the Muslim rulers. Secondly, the
political unity fashioned by the Muslim rulers also
promoted linguistic homogeneity. Unlike their predecessors,
the Muslim rulers were ardent patrons of Bengali language
and literature. Prior to Muslim rule, the Bengali vernacular
was despised for its impurities and vulgarities by Hindu
elites who were the beneficiaries and champions of Sanskrit
education. The spread of Islam challenged the spiritual
leadership of upper caste Hindus. The intense competition
between Islam and resurgent Hinduism in the form of
Vaisnavism for capturing the imagination of unlettered
masses resulted in an outpouring of their stirring messages
in the vernacular.
The
Muslim rule in Bengal also witnessed the gradual expansion
of Islam in this region. Contrary to popular beliefs,
the Muslim rulers in Bengal were not in the least idealists
and proselytizers; they were primarily adventurers whose
sole aim was to perpetuate their own rule. The preponderance
of the Muslims in Bangladesh region stands out in striking
contrast to signal failure of the Muslims in converting
local people in other parts of north and south India.
The distribution of Muslims in different regions of
South Asia clearly contradicts the hypothesis that the
patronage of the temporal authority was the most crucial
variable in the spread of Islam. If this hypothesis
was correct there would have been Muslim preponderance
in areas around the seats of Muslim rule in North India.
The fact that the Muslims remained an insignificant
minority in the Delhi region where they ruled for more
than six hundred years clearly suggests that Islam in
South Asia was not imposed from above. In Bengal also,
the share of Muslims in the total population was higher
in areas remote from the seats of Muslim rule.
Islam
was propagated in the Bangladesh region by a large number
of Muslim saints who were mostly active from the fourteenth
to sixteenth centuries. Among these missionaries Hazrat
Shah Jalal, Rasti Shah, Khan Jahan Ali, Shaikh Sharafuddin
Abu Tawamah, Shah Makhdoom Ruposh, Shaikh Baba Adam
Shahid, Shah Sultan Mahisawar, Shaikh Alauddin Alaul
Huq, Shah Ali Bagdadi, etc. deserve special mention.
While similar Muslim missionary activities failed in
other regions of South Asia, Islam ultimately succeeded
in penetrating deeply into Bengal because the social
environment of this region was congenial to the diffusion
of a new religion. In much of South Asia, strong village
communities were impenetrable barriers to the spread
of alien faiths.
In
Bengal, the corporations of village institutions was
weak in eastern areas; it gradually increased towards
the western areas. The distribution of Muslim population
also followed similar spatial pattern in this region.
The Muslims in Bengal were concentrated in the eastern
areas and the share of Hindu population was much higher
in western areas.
The
Muslim rule in Bengal contributed to economic polarization
and cultural dichotomy. Except the brief interludes
of the northern Indian empires, pre-Muslim Bengal was
ruled by local potentates. Most of the Muslim rulers
either acted as agents of Delhi or tried to use Bengal
as a stepping stone for attaining political authority
in Delhi. Economic exploitation intensified during this
period owing to transfer of resources to north India.
The main victims of this exploitative system were locally
converted Muslims and low caste Hindus. The sole aim
of the Muslim rulers was to mobilize as much resources
as possible. The size of the immigrant Muslim ruling
elite was small. Furthermore, different factions of
the ruling elite did not trust each other. Consequently,
Muslim rule in Bengal became, in effect, a coalition
of immigrant Muslims and upper caste Hindus.
The
gradual process of conversion to Islam in Bengal resulted
in an intense interaction between Islam and Hinduism.
At the folk level, however, there was less confrontation
and more interaction between Hinduism and Islam. A syncretic
tradition developed around the cult and pantheons of
pirs. The actual practices of local Muslim converts
were an anathema to both Hindu and Muslim religious
leaders. The orthodox Hindus, despite their political
reconciliation with Muslim rulers, despised the local
Muslims as untouchables (Mlechhas). The Muslim
religious leaders were equally scornful of the customs
and practices of local converts. Hated by immigrant
religious leaders for their ways of life and by the
local aristocracy for their adherence to an alien faith,
local converts faced a dichotomy of faith and habitat
which found expression in an emotional conflict between
religion and language. This dichotomy can be traced
in Bengali literature as early as the fourteenth century.
'Those who are born in Bengal but hate Bengali language",
asserted the seventeenth century poet Abdul Hakim "had
doubtful parentage. Those who are not satisfied with
their mother tongue should migrate to other lands".
The
Glory that was Mediaeval Bengal
The Bangladesh region reached the zenith of economic
affluence during the mediaeval period. It was known
as one of the most prosperous lands in the world. The
Moorish traveller Ibn Batuta who visited Bengal in the
fourteenth century described Bengal as the wealthiest
and cheapest land of the world and states that it was
known as "a hell full of bounties". In the same vein,
the seventeenth century French traveller Francois Bernier
observed: "Egypt has been represented in every age as
the finest and most fruitful country in the world, and
even our modern writers deny that there is any other
land so peculiarly favoured by nature; but the knowledge
I have acquired of Bengal, during two visits paid to
that Kingdom inclines me to believe that pre-eminence
ascribed to Egypt is rather due to Bengal".
Because
of her fertile land and abundance of seasonal rainfall,
Bengal was a cornucopia of agricultural products. Famines
and scarcity were virtually unknown as compared to other
areas of Asia. Bengal was the focal point of free trade
in the Indian Ocean since the 14th century. She was
the virtual store-house of silk and cotton not only
of India and neighbouring countries but also of Europe.
The Dhaka region used to produce the finest cotton in
the world. A very large quantity of cotton cloth was
produced in different areas of Bengal. The best and
well-known variety of textile was muslin produced in
Dhaka. Some of the muslins were so fine that, as the
seventeenth century traveller Tavernier notes, "even
if a 60 cubit long turban were held you would scarcely
know what it was that you had in your hand". Some of
the muslins were so fine that a full size muslin could
be passed through a small ring. Bangladesh also had
extensive export of silk clothes. According to Tavernier,
Bengal silks were exported to other parts of India,
Central Asia, Japan and Holland. The Bangladesh region
was also one of the largest producers of sugar. The
sugar from this region used to be exported to other
parts of South Asia and the Middle East.
British
Rule in Bangladesh (1757-1947)
The greatest discontinuity in the history of Bengal
region occurred on June 23, 1757 when the East India
Company - a mercantile company of England became the
virtual ruler of Bengal by defeating Nawab Siraj-ud
Daulah through conspiracy. Territorial rule by a trading
company resulted in the commercialization of power.
The initial effects of the British rule were highly
destructive. As the historian R.C. Dutt notes, "the
people of Bengal had been used to tyranny, but had never
lived under an oppression so far reaching in its effects,
extending to every village market and every manufacturer's
loom. They had been used to arbitrary acts from men
in power, but had never suffered from a system which
touched their trades, their occupations, their lives
so closely. The springs of their industry were stopped,
the sources of their wealth dried up". The plunder of
Bengal directly contributed to the industrial revolution
in England. The capital amassed in Bengal was invested
in the nascent British industries. Lack of capital and
fall of demand, on the other hand, resulted in deindustrialization
in the Bangladesh region. The muslin industry virtually
disappeared in the wake of the British rule.
In
the long run, the British rule in South Asia contributed
to transformation of the traditional society in various
ways. The introduction of British law, a modern bureaucracy,
new modes of communication, the English language and
a modern education system, and the opening of the local
market to international trade opened new horizons for
development in various spheres of life. The new ideas
originating from the West produced a ferment in the
South Asian mind. The upshot of this ferment were streams
of intellectual movements which have often been compared
to the Renaissance. Furthermore, the Pax Britannica
imposed on South Asia created an universal empire that
brought different areas of the sub-continent closer
to each other.
The
British rule in Bengal promoted simultaneously the forces
of unity and division in the society. The city-based
Hindu middle classes became the fiery champions of all-India
based nationalism. At the same time, the British rule
brought to surface the rivalry between the Hindus and
Muslims which lay dormant during the five hundred years
of Muslim rule. The class conflict between Muslim peasantry
and Hindu intermediaries during the Muslim rule was
diffused by the fact that these intermediaries themselves
were agents of the Muslim rulers. Furthermore, the scope
of exploitation was limited in the subsistence economy
of pre-British Bengal.
The
economic exploitation of the British provoked an intense
reaction against the Raj in Bengal. However,
the grievances against the British rule varied from
community to community. The Hindu middle class, which
styled itself as the bhadralok, was the greatest
beneficiary of the British rule. The Hindu middle class
primarily originated from trading classes, intermediaries
of revenue administration and subordinate jobs in the
imperial administration. On the contrary, the establishment
of the British rule deprived the immigrant Muslim aristocracy
(ashraf) of state patronage. The immigrant Muslim
- upper caste Hindu coalition which characterized the
Muslim rule was replaced by a new entente of the British
and the caste Hindus. The new land settlement policy
of the British ruined the traditional Muslim landlords.
The Muslim aristocracy which had hitherto been disdainful
of their native co-religionists sought the political
support of the downtrodden Muslim peasantry (atraf)
who were exploited by Hindu landlords and moneylenders.
The Muslim elite in Bengal manipulated to their advantage
the social insecurity of the less privileged without
giving up their exclusiveness.
The
conflict between Muslim peasants and Hindu landlords
was reinforced by the rivalry between Hindu and Muslim
middle classes for the patronage of the imperial rulers.
In the nineteenth century, both Hindu and Muslim middle
classes expanded significantly. The Muslim middle class
did not remain confined to traditional aristocracy which
consisted primarily of immigrants from other Muslim
countries. The British rule in Bengal contributed to
the emergence of a vernacular elite from among locally
converted Muslims in the second half of the nineteenth
century. This was facilitated by a significant expansion
of jute cultivation in the Bangladesh region. The increase
in jute exports benefited the surplus farmers (Jotedars)
in the lower Bengal where the Muslims were in a majority.
The economic affluence of surplus farmers encouraged
the expansion of secular education among local Muslims.
For example, the number of Muslim students in Bengal
increased by 74 percent between 1882-83 and 1912-13.
Faced
with the economic and cultural domination of the Hindu
intermediaries in Bengal (bhadralok), the ashraf
(traditional Muslim aristocracy), the newly created
Muslim jotedars who constituted the vernacular
elite and Muslim peasants (atraf) closed ranks.
Despite their outward unity, the coalition of various
Muslim interest groups in Bengal was fragile. The interests
and ideological orientations of these groups were dissimilar.
Unlike the jotedars and peasants, the ashraf
in Bengal spoke Urdu. The vernacular Muslim elites and
peasants in Bengal wanted agrarian reforms; the ashraf
was a staunch proponent of absentee landlordism. The
Muslim vernacular elite and atraf identified
themselves with the local culture and language, the
ashraf was enthralled by Islamic universalism.
The internal contradictions of the Muslim society in
Bengal were naturally mirrored in their political life.
Initially,
the leadership of the Muslim community in Bengal belonged
to ashraf for two reasons. First, the size of
the vernacular elite was too small in the beginning
of the twentieth century and the vernacular elite itself
tried to imitate the traditional aristocracy. Secondly,
because of the institutional vacuum in the rural areas,
it was very difficult to mobilise politically Muslim
masses in the Bengal region. The easiest means of arousing
such masses was to appeal to religious sentiments and
emotions. In this charged atmosphere the natural leadership
of the Muslim masses in Bengal lay with the immigrant
ashraf who monopolized the religious leadership.
The
rivalry between Muslim ashraf and Hindu bhadralok
first surfaced in the political arena, when the British
partitioned the province of Bengal in 1905 for administrative
reasons. The nascent Muslim middle class under the leadership
of the Muslim Nawab of Dhaka supported the partition
in the hope of getting patronage of the British rulers.
To the Hindu bhadralok who had extensive economic
interests on both sides of partitioned Bengal, the move
to separate the Bengali-speaking areas in East Bengal
and Assam was a big jolt. They viewed it as a sinister
design to weaken Bengal which was the vanguard of struggle
for independence. The bhadralok class idolized
the "Golden Bengal". Though initially the anti-partition
movement was non-violent, the dark anger of the Hindu
middle class soon found its expression in terroristic
activities. The emotionally charged atmosphere culminated
in communal riots. The partition of Bengal ultimately
turned out to be a defeat for all. The Raj had to eat
the humble pie and annul the partition in 1911. To the
Muslims, the annulment of the partition was a major
disappointment. It virtually shook their faith in the
British rulers. To the Hindu bhadralok of Bengal, the
annulment was a pyrrhic victory. "The net result of
these developments in Bengal during the first decade
of this century, so far as the bhadralok leadership
of Bengal was concerned, lay in the exposure of its
isolation, its inner contradictions and the essentially
opportunistic character of its politics".
The
communal politics of confrontation and violence which
erupted during the partition of Bengal was interrupted
by a brief honeymoon during the non-cooperation movement
led by the Indian National Congress and the Khilafat
movement of the Indian Muslims in the second decade
of 20th century. Bengal witnessed in the twenties the
emergence of the charismatic; leadership of Chitta Ranjan
Das who had the foresight to appreciate the alienation
of the Muslim middle classes. In 1923 Das signed a pact
with Fazlul Huq, Suhrawardy and other Muslim leaders.
This pact which is known as the Bengal Pact provided
guarantees for due representation of Muslims in politics
and administration. The spirit of Hindu-Muslim rapprochement
evaporated with the death of C.R. Das in 1925. However,
even if Das were alive he might not have succeeded in
containing the communal backlash. The communal problem
was not unique to Bengal, it became the main issue in
all India politics. As the communal tension mounted
in the 1930s, the Muslim ashraf in Bengal which
had close ties with the Muslim leadership in other parts
of the sub-continent pursued a policy of communal confrontation.
The
Road to Pakistan
The Pakistan Resolution of 1940 at Lahore was the outcome
of the political confrontation between Hindus and Muslims.
The Lahore Resolution demanded that geographically contiguous
units "be demarcated into regions which should be constituted
with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary
so that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically
in a majority should be grouped to constitute "Independent
States" in which the constitutional units be autonomous
and sovereign". From the constitutional point of view,
the Lahore Resolution asserted that South Asia consisted
of many nations and not of two nations. It was, in effect,
a blueprint for the balkanization of South Asia and
not merely for its partition into two units.
The
fervour for the Lahore Resolution sprang not merely
from the disillusion of the Muslims with the Hindu leadership.
It was also facilitated by the vagueness of the Resolution
which promised everything to everybody. The vernacular
Muslim elites in Bengal maintained that the Lahore Resolution
was legally a charter for a Muslim dominated independent
and sovereign Bengal. The immigrant Muslim ashraf
in Bengal thought that the Lahore Resolution was a mandate
for merging geographically dispersed Muslim majority
areas into an Islamic state. Ultimately the demands
of the vernacular Muslim elite for an independent Bengal
was opposed by both the ashraf and the Hindu
middle class. Ironically the formal decision for partition
of Bengal was taken not by Muslim but by Hindu leaders
who fought for an undivided Bengal four decades ago.
The
partition of the South Asian sub-continent into two
independent states in 1947 was a defeat for the British
policy. It partially undid the Pax Britannica
which was the greatest achievement of the Raj.
Nevertheless, the partition forestalled the balkanization
of the sub-continent which would have swept away the
entire political structure which was so labouriously
built by the British rulers. The eastern areas of Bengal
were constituted into a province of Pakistan and her
political boundaries were drawn up arbitrarily.
The
Birth of Bangladesh and Resolution of the Identity Crisis
Pakistan, which emerged constitutionally as one country
in 1947, was in fact "a double country", the two wings
were not only separated from each other by more than
one thousand miles, they were also culturally, economically
and socially different. "The cure, at least as far as
the East Bengalis were concerned, proved to be worse
than the disease".
The
relationship between the East and the West wings of
Pakistan was the mirror image of the Hindu-Muslim relations
in the undivided sub-continent. The creation of East
Pakistan did not resolve the identity crisis of the
majority people in the Bangladesh region. The political
leadership in Pakistan was usurped by the ashraf
and their fellow-travellers. The spread of secular education
and monetization of the rural economy swelled the ranks
of the vernacular elite who was intensely proud of the
local cultural heritage. This compounded the dichotomy
of language and religion. As a recent scholar rightly
observes, "The Bengali love affair with their language
involves a passionate ritual that produces emotional
experiences seldom found in other parts of the world".
The Language Movement during 1948-52 which demanded
the designation of Bengali as the state language of
Pakistan undermined the authority of the ashraf
and reinforced the role of the vernacular elite. In
British India, the Muslims of Bengal united under the
banner of Islam to escape from the exploitation of Bengali
Hindus who shared the same mother tongue. In the united
Pakistan, the Bengalis of East Pakistan reasserted their
cultural and linguistic identity to resist the exploitation
of their co-religionists who spoke in a different language.
Though history repeated itself in Pakistan, the lessons
learnt from Hindu-Muslim confrontation were forgotten.
Neither in undivided India nor in united Pakistan, the
dominant economic classes agreed to sacrifice their
short-term interests. Democratic verdicts were brushed
aside and economic disparity between the two wings widened
under the aegis of military dictatorships in Pakistan.
The
disintegration of united Pakistan is not, therefore,
in the least surprising. However, the way in which Bangladesh
was born is unique to South Asia. Bangladesh was the
product of a sanguinary revolution. The Pakistan army
had to be defeated physically in 1971 to establish the
new state. The birth of Bangladesh resolved the dichotomy
between religion and habitat, and between extra-territorial
and territorial loyalties by recognizing both the facts
as a reality in the life of the new nation.
The
Melting Pot: Ethnic Background
Though the overwhelming majority of the population in
Bangladesh forms a homogeneous ethnic group today, the
racial mix of diverse races occurred in this region
over a long time. Broadly speaking, there are two major
racial elements in the people of Bengal: (1) the primitive
tribes like the Kols, Sabaras, Pulindars, Hadi, Dom,
Chandala and others who were designated as the Mlechchas;
(ii) the Aryan and Aryanized elements.
The
major pre-Aryan racial elements in Bengal were the proto-Austroloids.
There is a striking similarity between the language
of the aborigines of Bengal and the people in South-East
Asia, the archipelago and the aborigines of Australia.
The Dravidian languages of South India also belong to
proto-Australoid group. Bangladesh, being the frontier
of South Asia, also came into contact with the Mongoloid
tribes who lived in the adjoining areas. The Mongoloid
influence was dominant in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
region where Chakmas and other tribes belong to this
category. The Mongoloid influence is, however, limited
in other areas. Scholars maintain that there is also
a substratum of Negroid racial elements in the racial
mix in this region. Thus Bengal was the home of mixed
races long before the Aryans came. The Aryan influence
in Bengal was primarily limited to upper castes. The
gradual stages in the Aryanization of Bengal are not
very clear. It appears that the Aryans brought the indigenous
people into the framework of Aryan society. This is
indicated by the fact that some of the indigenous tribes
were classed at Khastriyas (the warrior class). The
majority of these pre-Aryan tribes were classified as
untouchables. The process of racial mix did not, however,
stop with the coming of Aryans. The Semitic traders
from the Arab world frequently visited the coastal areas
in the Middle Age.
Religion
Bangladesh contains the second largest (after Indonesia)
Muslim population in the world. In 1981, 86.6 percent
of the population was Muslim. The proportion of Muslims
increased from 85.4 percent in 1974 to 86.6 percent
in 1981. On the other hand, the proportion of Hindu
population dropped from 13.5 percent in 1974 to 12.1
percent in 1981. The increase in proportion of Muslim
population may be attributed to higher birth rate among
the Muslims. Census records from 1872 to 1981 clearly
indicate that birth rate among the Muslims was always
higher than that of the Hindus. The Buddhists constituted
about 0.6 percent of the population in both 1974 and
1981 censuses. There are about 175,000 Christians in
Bangladesh. The percentage of Christians was about 0.3
percent.
Art
and Architecture
The Bangladesh region contains relics of the finest
specimens of Buddhist monastic architecture. The Buddhist
vihara at Paharpur occupied a quadrangle measuring
more than 900 feet externally at each site. "No single
monastery of such dimensions" asserts an art historian",
has come to light in India, and the appellation mahavihara,
the great monastery as designating the place, can be
considered entirely appropriate". Similar vihara
of Deva dynasty has been unearthed at Mainamati. The
relics of Mahasthangarh where the ancient city of Pundravardhana
was located suggest that a large monastery was built
there. Of notable sculptures in ancient Bengal, stone
figures of Buddha from Ujani in Faridpur district, Varaha
avatara from Bogra (10th century) the Vishnu
Stela from Comilla (11th century) and Chandi image from
Dhaka district (12th century) deserve special mention.
Another remarkable achievement was the terracotta art
of Paharpur which drew its inspiration from the simple
village life. This depicts the daily life of people
with intense human interest. As an art historian observes,
"It is impossible to find in the hieratic religious
art of India at any given period such a large social
content, such variety of human feelings, such intimacy
of contact with the events and experiences of daily
life, such spontaneous action and movements, depicted
with such powerful and purposeful rhythm".
The
Middle Age in Bengal saw the construction of a large
number of Islamic monuments which were characterized
by massive arches and bold clean lines. The emphasis
was on utility and simplicity. Among these monuments
the Satgambuz mosque of Bagerhat, the mausoleum of Shah
Ali Bagdadi at Mirpur and the mosque of Rasti Khan at
Hathazari deserve special mention.
Language
Bangla is the language of more than 99 percent of the
population. Bangla is the seventh most extensively spoken
language in the world after Chinese, English, Russian,
Spanish, Hindi and Arabic. The Bengali script is derived
directly from Gupta Brahmi script which has close affinity
to Cambodian and Thai scripts. The origin of this language
is usually traced to the 10th century. Bengali is a
rich language capable of expressing the finest nuances
of thought and feelings, a language that continuously
mirrors the ever-changing play of life. It is rich in
poetry, short story, novel, drama, essay and belles-lettres. |